Archive for the ‘PAN-AFRICANISM’ Category

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OSAGYEFO GR. KWAME NKRUMAHThe call of Africa booms across the African continent for a socialist united Africa. It is the final call of the calls from Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois and Marcus Garvey, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and Ahmed Sekou Toure, Gamel Abdel Nasser and Ben Bella, Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe, etc., for a truly independent Africa. And a truly independent Africa is not only a united people but also one based on the socialist system as projected by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah on the basis of a scientific study of the African situation; that is, if Africa should never again lose its independence. Let all Africans on the continent and the Diaspora hear this call and stand up to be counted.

While the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA) acknowledges the proliferation of different perspectives on the ideological and organizational question regarding Pan-Africanism it boldly asserts that Revolutionary Pan-Africanism, as pronounced by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, remains the most consistent and viable perspective. CENCSA is fortified in its conviction that the neo-colonial states are not to be taken over but replaced through a process of building a single African State in correspondence with the African Nation. In this respect, it observes with pride the self-criticism of Dr. Nkrumah on particular occasions to heighten clarity on the way forward for professional African revolutionaries and the masses of the African people.



The CENCSA is left in no doubt that the contributions of  internationalist Cuban revolutionary forces, for instance, cannot be trivialized in the history of the African Revolution. It is in this respect that it urges upon African revolutionary forces not only to acknowledge those contributions but also take inspiration from them for their own engagement in all theatres of struggle on the African continent. While reactionary and neo-colonial states gang up to retain the status quo it stands to reason that African revolutionary forces spread their wings over the African continent to establish their ubiquitousness for the ultimate anti-neo-colonial confrontation. For, therein lies the worldwide victory over imperialism, neo-colonialism and international impunity. Aluta continua!


That the African Nation might
unfold its wings to embrace
So its myriad opportunities
unearth the gem embedded
In the bosom of African Youth
that might know no waste
A socialist People’s Republican State of Africa
that Nation bears
Under the revolutionary banner
of Marxism-Nkrumaism.*

*Inspired by Raymond Nkrumah Kgagudi, a
son of the soil


In the distance far off
Through the eyes of the harmattan fog
Do I see her in that glittering yellow
Beckoning that I come closer.

The excitement wells in my heart to behold her
Physically but also gingerly
O! What a sight I behold!
Is it for real or a mirage?

Only she can tell
When that embrace does occur
At that moment long expected.
I’m coming dear at that call

I can no longer hold my peace
I refuse so to do
In hunger for the warmth of thy peace
Mother Africa! here I come …

And I hear her voice now
Glory be to him
Who gets me closer.*

* In dedication to Diana.



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Please, click here: Horus Africanus I

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A Critique In Socialist Policy Direction Development In Africa

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Lang T.K.A. Nubuor

(A Sympathizer of the CPP)



Reading through Ms Christina Samia Yaba Nkrumah’s January 11, 2013 statement on the way forward for the Convention People’s Party (CPP), one is immediately struck with a sudden spirit of urgency in the Chairperson’s tone. Such urgency was impressed on her continually for years for as many times that we ever had the occasion to comment on the way she goes about the business of running the party; but without a semblance of response from her.

It is unfortunate that it is now (after losing the Jomoro seat) that she awakens to that urgency; but it is too late for her. Her sudden call for self-criticism within the party is indeed belated. She truly never made intra-party self-criticism a tool for organizational development. And, yet, that instrument has always been the source and seat of organizational strength and advancement.

All the same it is possible to understand her previous but silent rejection of self-criticism. For, self-criticism is that tool which scientific socialists (Marxist-Nkrumaists) consciously employ in their organizational work; unlike bourgeois parties which see it negatively as a communist construct and avoid it as an anathema. Samia has never been a socialist, not to talk about her being a scientific socialist of the Marxist-Nkrumaist breed. Hence her reject.

Her sudden romance with the concept is yet to be bone-deep. For, while she now calls for its application she continues in her old ways of being silent on the question of socialism the adoption of which is the only means of coming into grips with the practical dynamics and the politico-philosophical principles animating that concept – self-criticism. We are saying that the true application of self-criticism cannot be and is not outside the socialist framework.

As it is, this sudden romance with the concept of self-criticism remains at the periphery of Marxism-Nkrumaism – the expression of scientific socialism within the conditions of Africa. We are not helped by such knee jerk reactions bordering on the romantic. A scientific appreciation of the party’s condition on the basis of the principles enunciated by the Foremost Pan-Africanist, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, is the impeccable requisite now.

In this respect, we can proceed here to point out that Samia’s proclamation of the CPP as a ‘Democratic Party’ can only be understood in its bourgeois framework. We are here in reference to her call for the CPP to, ‘without delay’, organize ‘from the centre’. A People’s Party is surely not organized ‘from the centre’ but from the grassroots. It is bourgeois parties that are organized ‘from the centre’. The name is Convention People’s Party. And its historical origins explain clearly to us that it originated from the grassroots.

It is the abandonment of the grassroots approach and concentration on the top-to-bottom strategy that have today brought the CPP to its toes. Currently, we can only see Samia well-positioned in the bourgeois framework. We cannot, however, deny that she has made statements suggestive of a certain desire to jump out of that framework. In her Christmas greetings in a text message on December 25, 2012, for instance, she states that ‘We will organise together to help our people liberate themselves from poverty’.

That organizationally and ideologically correct statement stands in contrast with the bourgeois top-to-bottom (from the centre) strategy. The point, however, is that such a statement appears to be coming out of the blues of her native bourgeois ideological bent of mind. Else, how could she suddenly abandon that correct statement within a period of less than three weeks and return to talks about ‘from the centre’? Our lady is reluctantly in a transition occasioned by her electoral defeat throwing her into populist knee jerk reactions.

In this transition, she still does not see anything wrong about her old bourgeois anti-Marxist-Nkrumaist ideas and sincerely believes that Ghanaians love those ideas although they have their doubts as to the CPP’s organizational strength. This is her take: ‘Ghanaians … like our ideas but they do not consider us sufficiently organized to be given political power and govern.’ The weight of her bourgeois education, which she still carries around, unfortunately blinds her to the linkage between ideological and organizational choices.

And Samia has an interesting conception of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s vision. She restricts that vision to the ‘distribution of opportunities’. No Sir, Madam. Osagyefo’s scientific socialist vision of a socialist united Africa is fundamentally concerned with the production of opportunities by the people themselves on the basis of which they will determine the system of distribution to their benefit. That is why her text message makes better sense since it is by such means that the people liberate themselves from poverty and do not give political power to anybody to be governed – they govern themselves.

Osagyefo’s vision of a socialist united Africa does not project Ghana as ‘a self-reliant, dignified and culturally confident nation’ (something it can never be) separately from ‘the cause of African unity’; in fact, the vision projects not African nations but a single African Nation with the obstructionist barriers removed and thus making it possible for any African to settle anywhere in Africa just in the same way that any Ga or Asante can settle anywhere in Ghana without being asked to produce residence permit or passport.

Anyway, when Samia says that ‘We cannot and will never abandon our ideals and the vision of our mentor, the great Pan-Africanist, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’, does she mean to separate OUR ideals from OSAGYEFO’S vision? Please, in case she visualizes something to that effect she must quickly drop it as if some extremely foul excreta has just been deposited unto her honourable head. We have only one revolutionary ideology in Africa. It is Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s initiated Marxism-Nkrumaism. It spells out our ideals and vision.

In this piece of commentary, on the basis of her own statements, we have drawn out a picture of a Samia Nkrumah in a tedious transition to Marxism-Nkrumaism. She is experiencing difficulties to change and is resisting change. We believe that when she crosses the transition she could be a great asset to Africa. For now, however, the way forward requires that she be sacked for non-performance to enable a younger person with impeccable Marxist-Nkrumaist credentials to assume the Chairmanship.

That is the very first step in the CPP’s way forward. Good luck and God bless.


January 11, 2013

My dear Comrades and Friends,

It is not unusual to engage in heated discussions and debates on the way forward after an electoral defeat. We are a Democratic Party and we welcome self-criticism and reflection by all members. We, the leaders of the Party, are totally committed to protecting the solidarity and unity of our political force. In no way will some of us engage in public arguments nor will we be dragged into petty squabbles in the media. The right place to discuss our problems is within not outside the party.

I strongly urge all CPP executives, members, and sympathizers to remain focused on what we need to do in this period. We must without delay and beginning from the centre, organize ourselves. All national, regional and constituency executives are documenting our experiences and collating views as to what went wrong for us in the 2012 elections. Many of us have made serious sacrifices in terms of time, energy and resources to improve our fortunes. Although the harvest was potentially plentiful, the laborers were few at the end of the day. Ours is the typical challenge of a minority party trying to make its voice heard.

Ghanaians have told us what they think. They like our ideas but they do not consider us sufficiently organized to be given political power and govern. We have heard them clearly. We are not broken, we are not giving up and since the elections, we have spent every minute charting the way forward.

There is always resistance to an idea that threatens the status quo, that seeks to make genuine change in a society. But the light of patriotism cannot be extinguished. Truth cannot be silenced forever. Sincerity cannot be destroyed. Those values that we want to inject into our politics are more required today than ever and nothing will deter us in our mission to make our country a more just and humane place.

We cannot and will never abandon our ideals and the vision of our mentor, the great Pan-Africanist, Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah. This vision remains the realization of fair distribution of opportunities for all Ghanaians, to meet the basic needs of our citizens, to become a self-reliant, dignified and culturally confident nation, and to further the cause of African unity, our only way to become economically viable for the well-being of our people.

We do not want to get distracted with petty internal wrangling and forget our mission to serve Ghana with our ideas and our vision. We have dedicated our lives to this mission.

Please stand firm and help us to, within 6 months, present Ghanaians with a well-organized Party, however small, which is worthy of being associated with the unmatched achievements of modern Ghana’s founder, Kwame Nkrumah.

Forward Ever!

Samia Nkrumah


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African Socialism Revisited

Kwame Nkrumah 1967

Paper read at the Africa Seminar held in Cairo at the invitation of the two organs At-Talia and Problems of Peace and Socialism.

Published: by Peace and Socialism Publishers, Prague, 1967, in a volume titled “Africa: National and Social Revolution”;
Transcribed: by Dominic Tweedie.

The term “socialism” has become a necessity in the platform diction and political writings of African leaders. It is a term which unites us in the recognition that the restoration of Africa’s humanist and egalitarian principles of society calls for socialism. All of us, therefore, even though pursuing widely contrasting policies in the task of reconstructing our various nation-states, still use “socialism” to describe our respective efforts. ‘The question must therefore be faced: What real meaning does the term retain in the context of contemporary African politics? I warned about this in my book Consciencism (London and New York, 1964, p. 105).

And yet, socialism in Africa today tends to lose its objective content in favour of a distracting terminology and in favour of a general confusion. Discussion centres more on the various conceivable types of socialism than upon the need for socialist development.

Some African political leaders and thinkers certainly use the term “socialism” as it should in my opinion be used: to describe a complex of social purposes and the consequential social and economic policies, organisational patterns, state structure, and ideologies which can lead to the attainment of those purposes. For such leaders, the aim is to remold African society in the socialist direction; to reconsider African society in such a manner that the humanism of traditional African life re-asserts itself in a modern technical community.

Consequently, socialism in Africa introduces a new social synthesis in which modern technology is reconciled with human values, in which the advanced technical society is realised without the staggering social malefactions and deep schisms of capitalist industrial society. For true economic and social development cannot be promoted without the real socialisation of productive and distributive processes. Those African leaders who believe these principles are the socialists in Africa.

There are, however, other African political leaders and thinkers who use the term “socialism” because they believe that socialism would, in the words of Chandler Morse, “smooth the road to economic development”. It becomes necessary for them to employ the term in a “charismatic effort to rally support” for policies that do not really promote economic and social development. Those African leaders who believe these principles are supposed to be the “African socialists”.

It is interesting to recall that before the split in the Second International, Marxism was almost indistinguishable from social democracy. Indeed, the German Social Democratic Party was more or less the guardian of the doctrine of Marxism, and both Marx and Engels supported that Party. Lenin, too, became a member of the Social Democratic Party. After the break-up of the Second International, however, the meaning of the term “social democracy” altered, and it became possible to draw a real distinction between socialism and social democracy. A similar situation has arisen in Africa. Some years ago, African political leaders and writers used the term “African socialism” in order to label the concrete forms that socialism might assume in Africa. But the realities of the diverse and irreconcilable social, political, and economic policies being pursued by African states today have made the term “African socialism” meaningless and irrelevant. It appears to be much more closely associated with anthropology than with political economy. “African socialism” has now come to acquire some of its greatest publicists in Europe and North America precisely because of its predominant anthropological charm. Its foreign publicists include not only the surviving social democrats of Europe and North America, but other intellectuals and liberals who themselves are steeped in the ideology of social democracy.

It was no accident, let me add, that the 1962 Dakar Colloquium made such capital of “African socialism”’ but the uncertainties concerning the meaning and specific policies of “African socialism” have led some of us to abandon the term because it fails to express its original meaning and because it tends to obscure our fundamental socialist commitment.

Today, the phrase “African socialism” seems to espouse the view that the traditional African society was a classless society imbued with the spirit of humanism and to express a nostalgia for that spirit. Such a conception of socialism makes a fetish of the communal African society. But an idyllic, African classless society (in which there were no rich and no poor) enjoying a drugged serenity is certainly a facile simplification; there is no historical or even anthropological evidence for any such society. I am afraid the realities of African society were somewhat more sordid.

All available evidence from the history of Africa up to the eve of the European colonisation, shows that African society was neither classless nor devoid of a social hierarchy. Feudalism existed in some parts of Africa before colonisation; and feudalism involves a deep and exploitative social stratification, founded on the ownership of land. It must also be noted that slavery existed in Africa before European colonisation, although the earlier European contact gave slavery in Africa some of its most vicious characteristics. The truth remains, however, that before colonisation, which became widespread in Africa only in the nineteenth century, Africans were prepared to sell, often for no more than thirty pieces of silver, fellow tribesmen and even members of the same “extended family” and clan. Colonialism deserves to be blamed for many evils in Africa, but surely it was not preceded by an African Golden Age or paradise. A return to the pre-colonial African society is evidently not worthy of the ingenuity and efforts of our people.

All this notwithstanding, one could still argue that the basic organisation of many African societies in different periods of history manifested a certain communalism and that the philosophy and humanist purposes behind that organisation are worthy of recapture. A community in which each saw his well-being in the welfare of the group certainly was praiseworthy, even if the manner in which the well-being of the group was pursued makes no contribution to our purposes. Thus, what socialist thought in Africa must recapture is not the structure of the “traditional African society” but its spirit, for the spirit of communalism is crystallised in its humanism and in its reconciliation of individual advancement with group welfare. Even If there is incomplete anthropological evidence to reconstruct the “traditional African society” with accuracy, we can still recapture the rich human values of that society. In short, an anthropological approach to the “ traditional African society” is too much unproven; but a philosophical approach stands on much firmer ground and makes generalisation feasible.

One predicament in the anthropological approach is that there is some disparity of views concerning the manifestations of the “classlessness” of the “traditional African society”. While some hold that the society was based on the equality of its members, others hold that it contained a hierarchy and division of labour in which the hierarchy — and therefore power — was founded on spiritual and democratic values.. Of course, no society can be founded on the equality of its members although societies are founded on egalitarianism, which is something quite different. Similarly, a classless society that at the same time rejoices in a hierarchy of power (as distinct from authority) must be accounted a marvel of socio-political finesse.

We know that the “traditional African society” was founded on principles of egalitarianism. In its actual workings, however, it had various shortcomings. Its humanist impulse, nevertheless, is something that continues to urge us towards our all-African socialist reconstruction. We postulate each man to be an end in himself, not merely a means; and we accept the necessity of guaranteeing each man equal opportunities for his development. The implications of this for socio-political practice have to be worked out scientifically, and the necessary social and economic policies pursued with resolution. Any meaningful humanism must begin from egalitarianism and must lead to objectively chosen policies for safeguarding and sustaining egalitarianism. Hence, socialism. Hence, also, scientific socialism.

A further difficulty that arises from the anthropological approach to socialism, or “African socialism”, is the glaring division between existing African societies and the communalistic society that was. I warned in my book Consciencism that “our society is not the old society, but a new society enlarged by Islamic and Euro-Christian influences”. This is a fact that any socio-economic policies must recognise and take into account. Yet the literature of “African socialism” comes close to suggesting that today’s African societies are communalistic. The two societies are not coterminous; and such an equation cannot be supported by any attentive observation. It is true that this disparity is acknowledged in some of the literature of “African socialism”; thus, my friend and colleague Julius Nyerere, in acknowledging the disequilibrium between what was and what is in terms of African societies, attributes the differences to the importations of European colonialism.

We know, of course, that the defeat of colonialism and even neo-colonialism will not result in the automatic disappearance of the imported patterns of thought and social organisation. For those patterns have taken root, and are in varying degree sociological features of our contemporary society. Nor will a simple return to the communalistic society of ancient Africa offer a solution either. To advocate a return, as it were, to the rock from which we were hewn is a charming thought, but we are faced with contemporary problems, which have arisen from political subjugation, economic exploitation, educational and social backwardness, increases in population, familiarity with the methods and products of industrialisation, modern agricultural techniques. These — as well as a host of other complexities — can be resolved by no mere communalistic society, however sophisticated, and anyone who so advocates must be caught in insoluble dilemmas of the most excruciating kind. All available evidence from socio-political history discloses that such a return to a status quo ante is quite unexampled in the evolution of societies. There is, indeed, no theoretical or historical reason to indicate that it is at all possible.

When one society meets another, the observed historical trend is that acculturation results in a balance of forward movement, a movement in which each society assimilates certain useful attributes of the other. Social evolution is a dialectical process; it has ups and downs, but, on balance, it always represents an upward trend.

Islamic civilisation and European colonialism are both historical experiences of the traditional African society, profound experiences that have permanently changed the complexion of the traditional African society. They have introduced new values and a social, cultural, and economic organisation into African life. Modern African societies are not traditional, even if backward, and they are clearly in a state of socio-economic disequilibrium. They are in this state because they are not anchored to a steadying ideology.

The way out is certainly not to regurgitate all Islamic or Euro-colonial influences in a futile attempt to recreate a past that cannot be resurrected. The way out is only forward, forward to a higher and reconciled form of society, in which the quintessence of the human purposes of traditional African society reasserts itself in a modern context-forward, in short, to socialism, through policies that are scientifically devised and correctly applied. The inevitability of a forward way out is felt by all; thus, Leopold Sedor Senghor, although favouring some kind of return to African communalism, insists that the refashioned African society must accommodate the “positive contribution” of colonial rule, “such as the economic and technical infrastructure and the French educational system”. The economic and technical infrastructure of even French colonialism and the French educational system must be assumed, though this can be shown to be imbued with a particular socio-political philosophy. This philosophy, as should be known, is not compatible with the philosophy underlying communalism, and the desired accommodation would prove only a socio-political mirage.

Senghor has, indeed, given an account of the nature of the return to Africa. His account is highlighted by statements using some of his own words: that the African is “a field of pure sensation”; that he does not measure or observe, but “lives” a situation; and that this way of acquiring “knowledge” by confrontation and intuition is “negro-African”; the acquisition of knowledge by reason, “Hellenic”. In African Socialism[London and New York, 1964, pp.72-3], he proposes

“that we consider the Negro-African as he faces the Other: God, man, animal, tree or pebble, natural or social phenomenon. In contrast to the classic European, the Negro-African does not draw a line between himself and the object, he does not hold it at a distance, nor does he merely look at it and analyse it. After holding it at a distance, after scanning it without analysing it, he takes it vibrant in his hands, careful not to kill or fix it. He touches it, feels it, smells it. The Negro-African is like one of those Third Day Worms, a pure field of sensations… Thus the Negro-African sympathises, abandons his personality to become identified with the Other, dies to be reborn in the Other. He does not assimilate; he is assimilated. He lives a common life with the Other; he lives in a symbiosis.”

It is clear that socialism cannot be founded on this kind of metaphysics of knowledge.

To be sure, there is a connection between communalism and socialism. Socialism stands to communalism as capitalism stands to slavery. In socialism, the principles underlying communalism are given expression in modern circumstances. Thus, whereas communalism in a non-technical society can be laissez-faire, in a technical society where sophisticated means of production are at hand, the situation is different; for if the underlying principles of communalism are not given correlated expression, class cleavages will arise, which are connected with economic disparities and thereby with political inequalities; Socialism, therefore, can be, and is, the defence of the principles of communalism in a modern setting; it is a form of social organisation that, guided by the principles underlying communalism, adopts procedures and measures made necessary by demographic and technological developments. Only under socialism can we reliably accumulate the capital we need for our development and also ensure that the gains of investment are applied for the general welfare.

Socialism is not spontaneous. It does not arise of itself. It has abiding principles according to which the major means of production and distribution ought to be socialised if exploitation of the many by the few is to be prevented; if, that is to say, egalitarianism in the economy is to be protected. Socialist countries in Africa may differ in this or that detail of their policies, but such differences themselves ought not to be arbitrary or subject to vagaries of taste. They must be scientifically explained, as necessities arising from differences in the particular circumstances of the countries themselves.

There is only one way of achieving socialism; by the devising of policies aimed at the general socialist goals, each of which takes its particular form from the specific circumstances of a particular state at a definite historical period. Socialism depends on dialectical and historical materialism, upon the view that there is only one nature, subject in all its manifestations to natural laws and that human society is, in this sense, part of nature and subject to its own laws of development.

It is the elimination of fancifulness from socialist action that makes socialism scientific. To suppose that there are tribal, national, or racial socialisms is to abandon objectivity in favour of chauvinism.

Marxism and Anti-Imperialism in Africa | Nkrumah Archive

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