Archive for the ‘IDEOLOGY’ Category

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OSAGYEFO GR. KWAME NKRUMAHThe call of Africa booms across the African continent for a socialist united Africa. It is the final call of the calls from Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois and Marcus Garvey, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and Ahmed Sekou Toure, Gamel Abdel Nasser and Ben Bella, Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe, etc., for a truly independent Africa. And a truly independent Africa is not only a united people but also one based on the socialist system as projected by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah on the basis of a scientific study of the African situation; that is, if Africa should never again lose its independence. Let all Africans on the continent and the Diaspora hear this call and stand up to be counted.

While the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA) acknowledges the proliferation of different perspectives on the ideological and organizational question regarding Pan-Africanism it boldly asserts that Revolutionary Pan-Africanism, as pronounced by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, remains the most consistent and viable perspective. CENCSA is fortified in its conviction that the neo-colonial states are not to be taken over but replaced through a process of building a single African State in correspondence with the African Nation. In this respect, it observes with pride the self-criticism of Dr. Nkrumah on particular occasions to heighten clarity on the way forward for professional African revolutionaries and the masses of the African people.



The CENCSA is left in no doubt that the contributions of  internationalist Cuban revolutionary forces, for instance, cannot be trivialized in the history of the African Revolution. It is in this respect that it urges upon African revolutionary forces not only to acknowledge those contributions but also take inspiration from them for their own engagement in all theatres of struggle on the African continent. While reactionary and neo-colonial states gang up to retain the status quo it stands to reason that African revolutionary forces spread their wings over the African continent to establish their ubiquitousness for the ultimate anti-neo-colonial confrontation. For, therein lies the worldwide victory over imperialism, neo-colonialism and international impunity. Aluta continua!


That the African Nation might
unfold its wings to embrace
So its myriad opportunities
unearth the gem embedded
In the bosom of African Youth
that might know no waste
A socialist People’s Republican State of Africa
that Nation bears
Under the revolutionary banner
of Marxism-Nkrumaism.*

*Inspired by Raymond Nkrumah Kgagudi, a
son of the soil


In the distance far off
Through the eyes of the harmattan fog
Do I see her in that glittering yellow
Beckoning that I come closer.

The excitement wells in my heart to behold her
Physically but also gingerly
O! What a sight I behold!
Is it for real or a mirage?

Only she can tell
When that embrace does occur
At that moment long expected.
I’m coming dear at that call

I can no longer hold my peace
I refuse so to do
In hunger for the warmth of thy peace
Mother Africa! here I come …

And I hear her voice now
Glory be to him
Who gets me closer.*

* In dedication to Diana.



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Please, click here: Horus Africanus I

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A Critique In Socialist Policy Direction Development In Africa

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(Important Self-Critical Observations on How NPP lost the 2008 National Elections: An Insider’s Analysis)


Dr. G.A. Agambila

(Former NPP Deputy Finance Minister)

Culled from the Ghanaian Chronicle of January 13, 2009 by Ghanaweb on July 14, 2012)

SPECIAL NOTE: Although CENCSA is opposed to the bourgeois and neo-colonial state system and dedicates its pages to finding ways and means of replacing it with the socialist state structure of the People’s Republican State of Africa, as Dr. Kwame Nkrumah defines it, we reproduce the article below to give our readers an insight from within the reactionary forces regarding their own understanding of their respective concerns: money and power. They quarrel over which one to capture first. Dr. Nkrumah teaches us how to build the People’s Power in such a way that the masses exercise power in the interest of themselves. Bourgeois democratic elections cannot ever make that possible. Kindly read the following carefully.

Why is it that a political tradition that traces its origins to the 1940s, and won its first free and fair election only in 2000, lost power so soon and so painfully, now risks decline?

The New Patriotic Party (NPP) has lost power because its leadership desired money first, and power second. The National Democratic Congress (NDC), by contrast, pursued power first, and money second. The December 2008 election has allowed both parties to be rewarded with what they valued most.

The NPP leadership has since 2001 become wealthy. Don’t ask me to bring the evidence, ask the 17 presidential aspirants how much their campaigns cost, and where they got the money to finance them. So long as the NPP leadership is motivated first and foremost by money, and the NDC by an unquenchable thirst for power, the NDC will govern, and the NPP will pursue private business interests.


Many of us who entered the political fray in 2000 did so in the now naïve assumption that our leadership desired power to develop Ghana, fight corruption and deepen democracy. In short, to realize the dreams of our fathers emblazoned on our national crest – Freedom and Justice.

The NDC has now come into the shade from the hot sun. We have a saying that a fool falls asleep in the shade, unaware that the sun will soon scorch him. The longevity of the NDC’s stay in the shade will depend on whether the NPP can reorganize itself, and (more importantly) whether the NDC will, in the fullness of time, crumble from within, due to gluttony and the inevitable internal power struggles.

The sources of the NDC’s power struggles are legion – Rawlings versus Mills, remnants of the NDC era versus pragmatists/conservatives of the post-constitutional era, ethnic tugs of war involving Ewes, Fantis and Northerners, etc.. And there is of course the population’s inevitable disillusionment with the NDC. The people believe, literally, that the NDC will reduce the cost of fuel, health, education and a multitude of other costs. No such thing will happen. And when the disillusionment sets in, the NPP will afford a wan smile.


The NPP’s fall from grace to grass can, secondly, be traceable, not to the Akyem Mafia (as  ‘Maame Coomson’ asserts), but to the Castle Mafia.

What are the failures of the Castle Mafia? First, the Castle Mafia lacked interest in solving any national problem unless it involved either procurement or the sale of assets. Examples of national problems that received eight years of neglect are corruption in such critical governance institutions as the Police, the Judiciary, and other public services, public sector reform, pair trawling, national identification, and sanitation. The half-hearted feints at these particular problems were constrained by procurement opportunities. Yet, these are problems that touch the lives of Ghanaians. It is out of this preoccupation with the politics of procurement that the government brought such embarrassments as the IFC and CNTI ‘loan’ agreements.

That our national debt is still about $6 billion (post-HPIC debt reliefs) is eloquent testimony to this ravenous attachment to the politics of procurement. Much of this debt has been incurred in practically sole source procurement arrangements. The folly of the Valco purchase was similarly motivated by the politics of procurement (where shall Ghana find the cheap electricity to feed Valco? What cost-benefit analysis was done to justify a government pursuing a divestiture programme, getting into a business it knows little about?)

That reminds me; Question: whatever happened to the much-touted Presidential Special Initiatives (PSIs)? Answer: They were touched by the gangrenous hand of the politics of procurement.

The Castle Mafia pursued policies whose only useful purpose was to help galvanize the NDC and get them battle-ready for the elections of December 2008. A few examples may drive home this point. ROPAB or ROPAL. The NPP did not implement it and any implementation could bankrupt our country. The rush to pass this bill filled our streets with NDC hotheads and their sympathizers.


The incarceration of Tsatsu Tsikata and the trial of Nana Konadu Agyemang Rawlings: these two trials helped the NDC energize its troops, gave them an emotional cause around which to rally, fight and die for the NDC. If Tsatsu was so guilty, why the last-minute Presidential pardon? Only time will tell if these flirtations will be requited. I understand the case against Konadu is weak, and I will not be surprised if the case is abandoned (or you prefer to believe that the Father and Founder will still be going to court?). What good has come to the NPP or the people of Ghana from these trials?

The Castle Mafia had other better examples to demonstrate their abhorrence of willful causation of losses to the state, but would not use them. The Castle Mafia thought it was okay to ‘leave northerners to solve their own problems’ when it came to the Dagbon and other problems. The NDC propaganda machinery feasted daily on these issues. A day hardly passed without Radio Gold trumpeting ‘the death of the Ya Na and forty others,’ and the ‘death of Issa Molbila.’ While our support was being eroded this way, some NPP supporters sanctimoniously blamed ‘northerners’ for being too hot-headed and violent.


The Castle Mafia believed that what they could not do to Nananom of their towns and villages, they could do to Nii Mɛi. Hence, they sold government land to themselves, friends, clansmen, and many others willing to make a deal. A man once came to the building I lived in (next to Rawlings) and told us he was from the Zenith Bank and had bought the house and the next one belonging to Valco. All this was without the knowledge of the relevant government agencies. The sale of Ga land was another rallying point for the NDC. As Jake presciently said, no party has won the Presidency without Greater Accra. And so it came to pass that Jake became an accurate prophet (without a church).

The Castle Mafia did not think Ghana was good enough for them to stay in – hence, a commitment to frequent travel (with the incidental benefit of unaccountable imprests). Even a woman deeply in love can tolerate only so much absence from her loved one; prolonged absence does not a fond heart make; it makes the heart to wander. And in this case, into the waiting arms of the seductive NDC.

I could go on but this paper does not have the space and you don’t have the time to read a complete catalogue of Castle Mafia failings. Let me therefore summarize by saying that the Castle Mafia suffered from a Samson syndrome (the Samson of Delilah fame): Alan Cash or no NPP President. DCEs and Regional Ministers who had already been selected as our Parliamentary Candidates were dismissed for insufficient fealty to Alan Cash. Is this the action of a leadership that wants its party to win the coming elections?

The opposition Presidential Candidate was singled out for national honours; will President Bush have done same to Obama before the U.S. elections? While former President Rawlings was campaigning in hot dusty villages of the North, the Castle folks were gallivanting abroad, sipping wine in cooler climes.


Finally, the blame for the failure of the NPP rests on its executives at all levels: polling station, constituency, regional and national. They too prefer money to power. Being a party without an ideology or national vision, many of our members naturally tend to pursue personal pecuniary goals (borrowing from Thomas Hobbes about a property-owning democracy is not an ideology, certainly not for these enlightened times).

I know from personal experience that you cannot call a meeting of NPP activists, without sending them away with some money and/or food and drink. And money that is given for political activities often sticks to the pockets of the recipients, leaving political work undone or poorly executed.

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Lang T.K.A. Nubuor

Today, a basic principle for the anti-neo-colonial struggle of the Convention Peoples’ Party (CPP) is that it is the struggle of our people, and that it is our people who must wage it, and therefore its result is ultimately for our people. Obviously a people’s struggle is effectively theirs if the reason for that struggle is based on the aspirations and the desire for justice and progress of the people themselves and not on the aspirations, dreams or ambitions of a single individual who contradicts the actual interests of the people of Ghana.

Kweku Dadzie, CPP: Anti-Nduom Victorious! Political Slate Clean! Not Yet Uhuru!

The December 28, 2011 press conference that Dr. Papa Kwesi Nduom addresses  ‘to declare (his) resolve to work with like-minded men and women from all over the country, to form a very focused, vibrant, independent-minded and progressive Political Movement to contest the 2012 Presidential and Parliamentary elections’ has all the ingredients that a non-Nkrumaist political movement features. Apart from the avoidance of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah’s name in the entire speech Dr. Nduom makes it crystal clear that his intended political movement is not directed by any ideology.

‘Unlike the other Ghanaian political parties, we are not selling an ideological mission to the Ghanaian people. We are Pragmatists.’ he tells us. As a Pragmatist, Dr. Nduom is committed to the reform of the neo-colonial state. He has a platform with an agenda to ‘Reform state institutions’. By this he intends to make the government of the neo-colonial state ‘efficient and raise revenue to pay public servants well to motivate them facilitate the work of the private sector and Ghanaian society in general’. If this is not a statement of the capitalist neo-colonial ideological position then what else is? So that contrary to Dr. Nkrumah’s position that the neo-colonial state must be replaced, he, like Hon. Samia Nkrumah, rather seeks to strengthen it for the private sector.

Dr. Nkrumah explains that a reform does not lead to a progress out of the existing state system but rather seeks to maintain it in its essence while making mere concessions to the aggrieved sections of society to sustain the survival of that system. It seeks to forestall a revolution that brings about that kind of progress. That explains the kind of change Dr. Nduom is anxious to make to maintain existing property relations whereby a few control the wealth created by all; for, the dangerously existing explosive situation in Africa and the world promises a revolution to place nationally-created wealth in the hands of the majority.

It is only within the context and on the basis of this fundamental concern that we can understand Dr. Nduom’s choice of Pragmatism as his guiding light. For, Pragmatism, which he cautiously spells with a capital ‘S’ to emphasize its political and philosophical but not its ordinary meaning, is that orientation that emphasizes changes within a system but not over and above it. Hence, his commitment to the neo-colonial system as against Dr. Nkrumah’s radical opposition to it should be seen as an important reason why he makes no reference to the author of Neo-colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism. He has no need for him.

The current desperate state of neo-colonialism in Africa and world imperialism occasions desperate measures. The concentration of power in the hands of the desperate elite becomes an article of faith, a dire necessity for maintaining the existing order. That explains why in his speech Dr. Nduom takes a special note of the presidential system and seeks to effect such constitutional amendment that would strengthen it contrary to calls by the other parties to reduce the President’s powers.  This, again, explains why he calls this the ‘new direction’. It is a direction that makes the President the one who determines the direction of events.

In this respect, he states that by the terms of the New Direction, ‘It is the President who makes or doesn’t make things happen’.  To emphasize the personal, and dictatorial and fascist, nature of the Presidency he adds that ‘this new direction should stress the personal comparison rather than party consideration’. The President, so to speak, is independent of his own party. To have him independent of parliament, under the facade of strengthening the legislature, a constitutional amendment will ‘abolish the provision that allows Ministers of State to also serve as Members of Parliament’. That is, Ministers are subject to him alone.

In this kind of presidential system, the New Direction says ‘the president … will cooperate with parliament and forge an effective partnership to ensure agreement on an urgent agenda for the accelerated development of Ghana’. So that by the projections of the New Direction the President, with newly enhanced and personal powers, becomes more amenable to cooperating with Parliament than as obtains in the current situation when the unenhanced powers of the President are considered too much by the other parties and render such cooperation below expectation. That is, the President cooperates if given more powers.

Nduomian New Direction has further intentions of eliminating party control over the President. In the first place, the President does not need to be associated with a political party’s representative(s) in Parliament in order to become a President. The suggestion here is that an independent candidate without a political party that has members in Parliament can be elected President of the country. Dr. Nduom’s own words are that ‘we hold the view that one does not need to have an affiliated seat in parliament to become President. We are governed by a presidential system and not a parliamentary system.’ (Actually, ours is a hybrid of the two).

And, secondly, where a presidential candidate is supported by a political party/movement the latter can only be an election machine: meaning that the party’s/movement’s work ends with the electoral process; after the election it has no further work to do, work like ensuring that he complies with the party’s/movement’s programme. He says this in two different ways. Firstly, he says ‘Our new political movement aims to present a credible, united, disciplined and well-organised election machine that is coupled with a clear, specific Platform for Change …’ Secondly, he states that that movement’s ‘goal is to contest the 2012 elections … This journey must end in the Flagstaff House. That, my friends, is our destination.’ The journey, he says, started in 2008.

Note that the Platform for Change, even before the political movement is inaugurated, has been spelt out in the 10-point Agenda attached to the speech. And, again, even before the projected political movement could open up nominations for its presidential candidate, Dr. Papa Kwesi Nduom declares himself to be its candidate. Hence, he sets the tone for a New Directionist regime where the political movement has nothing to do with the composition of the Platform which the candidate single-handedly churns out and, in case of electoral victory, implements.

In fact, Dr. Nduom has no primordial need for a political party. His speech makes it clear that his preference is for a political movement in which like-minded persons come together for purposes of elections. The electoral laws, he says, compel the transformation of the movement into a party. Else…? Once again, this is how he puts it: ‘We are a Political Movement guided by an agenda for change. Unfortunately, the Ghanaian electoral laws do not permit a collective of independent like-minded people to use the same platform and symbol for presidential and parliamentary campaigns. So we will by necessity convert from Political Movement to become a political party.’ (All emphasis added)

In case the reader has difficulties in seeing the import of the distinction of a political party from a political movement, we pause here to explain that a political movement, like the Occupy Wall Street movement in the U.S.A. or the North Africa and Middle East movements, does not have a formal leadership whereas a political party has a Constitution and Regulations that outline, among others, how its leaders are elected and held accountable and is also registered as such by an Electoral Commission which is a state organ. A mass political party evolves out of a mass political movement.

That calls our attention to Dr. Nduom’s declaration that ‘Ours is a mass movement, a collective, that is not based on any one individual and one that will depend on merit and hard work to determine who occupies what leadership position.’ Such a mass movement is historically set in motion by a spontaneous demand for some particular change. From the speech, we glean bits of that demand as the true yearning for ‘a new political force in Ghana … of   all independent and progressive-minded people who want something different from what has been offered by the political parties so far in the Fourth Republic.’

Putting these elements together, he renders it all thus: ‘Ours is a broad-based national Movement with people who have been crying for the “change we need” after experiencing NDC and NPP administrations that have not delivered to their expectations.’ The speech, in spite of its promise to convert this mass movement into a political party, ends up calling on ‘all Ghanaians to join our progressive Political Movement now so that we can build the alternative that will bring the change we need’. This political movement will be inaugurated ‘in the next two months at a national convention’. It has the 10-point Agenda to be implemented ‘when our candidate is made President of the Republic of Ghana come January 2013’ as its Platform.

Nothing is heard of a political party. Interesting indeed, this is. Dr. Papa Kwesi Nduom is aware that a political movement will not be registered to field candidates for both the presidential and parliamentary elections. Only a political party whose candidates could be subjected to its discipline can be registered. He is clearly intent on creating a platform that can get him and some like-minded persons elected as independent candidates to the Presidency and Parliament respectively without being held accountable by such a platform for their performance in Government.

This is certainly a novelty in African political practice and history. Only an extremely crafty mind can fashion it out. What is of great importance in these manoeuvrings is that Dr. Nduom has correctly gauged the political temperature and discerns the emerging spontaneous mass movement against the entire political Establishment which movement he seeks to hijack so as to deplete it of any revolutionary potential. Like the North African situation, he hopes to assume that leadership with absolute powers to pacify such a scene for the essential retention of the neo-colonial system from which he personally benefits.

Masquerading under the cloak of a progressive-minded leader misdirecting the revolutionary mass movement into a reform movement, Dr. Papa Kwesi Nduom indeed operates upon the realization that only a determined fascist dictatorship can contain the threatening situation. Not surprisingly, he uses the word ‘progressive’ often as most fascists do – taking the wind out of the sail of truly progressive forces. His loud anxiety to be a President with enhanced powers exercised in independence of a legislature with no in-built checks on such powers stems from his seeing the danger, which his class compatriots do not see or take lightly, and yet not being in the position to immediately defuse it at the embryonic stage.

When Hon. Samia Nkrumah accuses him of ‘indiscipline’ and sees only ‘nonsense’ in his acts she betrays a less discerning mind as to the urgencies underpinning his behaviour. The gentleman is desperate. He sees what his colleagues in the major parties do not see. Thus, they do nothing about it in the face of all the opportunities that they presumably have; while he is helplessly without such opportunities. Let it be understood by progressive forces that the man is not really a fool. He is not an ignoramus but a full-blooded politically conscious animal that sniffs the scent of danger from a distance of five million miles. They must heed to the call of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah to prevent the misdirection of the revolutionary potential.

It might explode in their face in a state of unpreparedness. This is the time not only to monitor the evolving spontaneous mass movement in terms of its consent and desire for change but also develop a political party from it to direct it while it also controls that party.  The mass movement was discerned long ago by Dr. Nkrumah as a revolutionary mass movement with its revolutionary party and revolutionary armed force that marches across the borders crushing the neo-colonial regimes to liberate and unite Africa under a People’s Republican State of Africa.

When Dr. Papa Kwesi Nduom says that ‘A new future beckons but it will not come into being unless we make a break from the old way of doing things. The time for action is now’ he speaks with the insight as well as instinct and meaning of a reactionary mind-set but not a fool. Revolutionaries must repeat it to themselves with the insight as well as instinct and meaning of a revolutionary mind-set. Not a word must be subtracted from it. Not a word must be added to it.

Finally, the quote from Kweku Dadzie at the head of this article shows the ideological current that Dr. Nduom has been contending with all along within the CPP. That he should take a court action against Kweku Dadzie to shut the latter up shows the depth of desperation that opposition to his neo-colonial enterprise caused him to opt out of the CPP. It was an ideological defeat that pushed him out of the party. And it was a triumph of the anti-neo-colonial Cause led by the CPP Youth who now have the task of getting Hon. Samia Nkrumah, the party leader, to commit herself in speech and deed to the Nkrumaist Agenda for the liberation and unification of Africa under the socialist People’s Republican State of Africa. Else, a similar struggle must be waged to force her out with her fellow travellers. We congratulate the CPP Youth.

Forward Ever, Backward Never. Amandla! Ngawethu!

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Luis T.

“I don't share my thoughts because I think it will change the minds of people who think differently. I share my thoughts to show the people who already think like me that they're not alone.”


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