COMING TO GRIPS WITH REALITY
|CREATING A CRITICAL MASS OF AFRICAN PROFESSIONAL REVOLUTIONARIES: A VISION OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLICAN STATE OF AFRICA|
A Presentation by Lang T. K. A. Nubuor, Director of the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA), at the Freedom Centre at Kokomlemle in Accra on November 7, 2012.
COMING TO GRIPS WITH REALITY
CREATING A CRITICAL MASS OF AFRICAN PROFESSIONAL REVOLUTIONARIES
A VISION OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLICAN STATE OF AFRICA
Lang T. K. A. Nubuor
Director of the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA)
Comrades and friends,
Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah dreams big and though he achieves a fraction of that dream, that which he achieves is yet to be equalled anywhere in Africa long after his passage into eternity forty (40) years ago. He tells us that he has sown a seed and that it shall surely germinate. And surely that seed is germinating though among thorns and weeds.
The resilience of the germination process amidst proclamations of the death of the seed from one generation to the other is witnessed not only in the justification of current policies by his sworn enemies on the basis of his policies but also in their new-found affectionate references to him and acknowledgement of him as the Osagyefo. Such development within the ranks of the Danquah-Busia tradition in Ghana, opportunistic though it might be, confirms the saying that ‘Kwame Nkrumah never dies’.
Dreaming big on the basis of scientific studies of social reality is part of the spirit of Marxism-Nkrumaism – the ideological thought system of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. And the trajectory of contemporary African history suggests that not only have policies fashioned in contradiction of the elements of Revolutionary Pan-Africanism as Dr. Kwame Nkrumah propounds have failed but also that a systematic shift towards his ideas are increasingly being resorted to on the African political landscape.
It might appear surprising that the Danquah-Busia tradition in Ghana today claims that its policies are a mix of capitalism and socialism. Socialism? Even statements of abhorrence of neo-colonialism in name are becoming rife in their political lexicon. Within the philosophical thought system of Marxism-Nkrumaism this move on the part of the forces of neo-colonialism and capitalism is the veritable signal of the outmodedness of capitalism and neo-colonialism and the increasing triumph of scientific socialism in Africa.
Comrades and friends,
Such an increasing turn of events in Africa, where traditional neo-colonial forces of the comprador are exhibiting objections to what they call the Guggisberg model of production, could take the socialist progressive forces of Revolutionary Pan-Africanism unawares if they should remain in their current state of organizational ineptitude.
The result is bound to be that when the masses of the African people are poised for action in their spontaneity there would be no progressive organization to transform and develop that spontaneity as speedily as possible along the path of the profound African Revolution which alone can achieve for us not only the united Africa of our dreams but also the socialist African society knocking at our continental gate.
In the process, retrogressive and fascist forces would hijack the people’s struggle and derail it along lines of reform that could only reposition our people within the same system that they yearn to cast off. This is the stack reality facing socialist progressive forces in Africa today.
To pre-empt such an occurrence, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah fashions for us the theoretical and organizational tools with which not only to prepare for the coming events but also to occasion them. In this respect, he yearns for the development of a critical mass of African professional revolutionaries to constitute the core of our people’s struggle.
It is that vanguard, armed with the assets of the intellectual and organizational tools of Marxism-Nkrumaism, which the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA) dedicates its endeavours to to help develop and establish across the length and breath of the African continent in consonance with Marxism-Nkrumaism and its developing principles.
To this end, CENCSA operates its machine for research and organizational activities among the masses of our African people at their educational institutions, work places, farms and communities in revival and application of the People’s Defence Committee concept once attempted in Ghana.
Comrades and friends,
The essence of the following presentation is an attempt to operate outside the existing neo-colonial systems in Africa with the explicit intention to ultimately replace them with a single socialist state system – the People’s Republican State of Africa (PRSA).
In being so focused, our efforts within the existing neo-colonial state systems are intended to build the nascent institutions for socialist reconstruction alongside the existing irredeemably corrupt and rotten institutions of those dying out systems.
This is not a struggle to be waged only in the pigeon-holes that the current countries of Africa represent but across the African continent as a whole.
In this respect, while we give critical support to forces somehow aligned to our cause for freedom and justice we seek to be focused on our primary aim of promoting and creating as well as encouraging only those institutions and practices that would respectively be the organs and ethical livewire of the People’s Republican State of Africa.
Obviously, this is a difficult route to take. But as optimists, we see opportunities in difficult situations unlike the pessimists who see difficulties in opportunities. The current Constitutions in Africa, the Ghanaian Constitution for instance, as products of our people’s struggles, provide us with some opportunities to see our way through the apparent difficulties. Forward ever, Backward never.
LIMITATIONS OF THIS PRESENTATION
Comrades and friends,
There is the need for a more concentrated effort to analyse and present the history of the African Left within the context of efforts to organically replace the capitalist and neo-colonial system in Africa as a whole with the socialist system of our dreams under the People’s Republican State of Africa. This is a task that the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA) hopes to undertake alongside its concrete organizational activities. The following is just a microcosm of what we deem necessary to be done. Our sincere wish is to bring on board and collaborate with comrades who see what we see.
Let us be encouraged in this direction that when Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah dreamed this big on the basis of his Marxist publication Towards Colonial Freedom in the second half of the 1940s he was just an individual surrounded by a virtual vacuum of persons who could appreciate the potential of his dream. Today, there is no such vacuum. A cursory browsing of facebook groups on the internet sharing in the dream testifies to the yearning of the African youth for actualization.
Our current dream of a united and socialist Africa under the People’s Republican State of Africa is not only contextualized within that dream. It is part of it and it is its continuation in spite of our continued inadequacies.
The following presentation is part of a draft programme outline of the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses. It could be accessed at the web site www.consciencism.wordpress.com. It is specially dedicated to the efforts of Comrades Kwesi Pratt Jnr., Lawyer Yaw Opoku, Kyeretwie Opoku, Kwasi Adu, Dr. David Pessy and Duke Tagoe among others as well as the staff of The Insight newspaper in sustaining the spirit of Left wing activism in the midst of organizational ineptitude in the general ranks of progressive and socialist forces in Africa.
Comrades and friends,
With these initial observations and in the process of dreaming big on the basis of scientific studies, let us now look at the CENCSA and its projections; bearing in mind that our preoccupation is with building a state system intended to grow alongside and be the ultimate replacement of the capitalist and neo-colonial states in Africa.
A Brief Historical Introduction
Comrades and Friends,
In the 1970s some of the university campuses in West and East Africa were centres of anti-imperialist struggles where freedom fighters from Southern Africa found intellectual support and solidarity. At the University of Ghana, progressive anti-imperialist academicians inspired students in the direction of learning the rudiments of Marxist thought and practice in study cells as well as through symposia and other platforms.
Out of these endeavours publications like Kpetekple by the Socialist Revolutionary Youth League of Ghana (SRYLOG) and Direction by the New Democratic Movement (NDM) emerged. After the June 4 Uprising in 1979 the Workers Banner of the June 4 Movement (JFM) also emerged. These represented different anti-imperialist ideological tendencies within the Left in Ghana. The Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA) traces its origins to the Kpetekple tendency.
As the mouthpiece of the semi-clandestine SRYLOG, Kpetekple propagated the idea of forming what it called Committees for People’s Revolutionary Democracy (CPRDs) to build People’s Power. The CPRDs were clandestine organs of the SRYLOG for mobilization and organization of working people in communities and workplaces. It was in the process of building a CPRD at Korle Gonno in Accra that the People’s Revolutionary League of Ghana (The League) was formed as the mass and open front of the SRYLOG in the wake of the enthusiasm generated by the June 4 Uprising.
The aftermath of the Uprising saw the separation of The League from the SRYLOG which became the Movement on National Affairs (MONAS). The MONAS later developed as a research organization away from CPRD formation and ultimately split into the newspaper publishing outfits the New Crusading Guide and The Insight.
The League developed nascent insurrectionary units in urban and rural areas in the Greater Accra and Central Regions of Ghana while it propagated ideas in the columns of the Citadel Daily about building ‘revolutionary committees’ to replace the neo-colonial state. In a People’s Evening News article on June 26, 1979, titled ‘Ghana’s Reluctant Revolution’, the subsequent General Secretary of The League had advocated for the June 4 Uprising to be developed beyond its declared aim of carrying out a ‘house cleaning exercise’ into a revolutionary process of replacing the neo-colonial state system.
With the onset of the December 31st coup d’état in 1981 and the subsequent urge on the working people to form People’s Defence Committees, The League immersed itself in building the Defence Committees into a People’s Power to replace the neo-colonial state.
But the ideological differences within and among the progressive organizations played out to their collective detriment. The coup had been an act of conspiracy in which the progressive organizations were not involved. They were co-opted to play what they misunderstood as a leading role. They had to agree on a programme to guide the direction of development since the coup undertakers had none.
The meetings dragged on. In the interim, the New Democratic Movement (NDM), publishers of the erstwhile Direction, provided Guidelines for the co-ordination of the Defence Committees as democratic organs within the state. Before then The League had been guiding the Defence Committees towards constituting them into independent structures of People’s Power for their ultimate replacement of that neo-colonial state. The committees were then already but spontaneously contesting for power against the Establishment.
Meanwhile, there was the pressing need to resolve the financial difficulties inherited from the previous regime. The discussion of these difficulties and the way forward worsened the relations among the progressive organizations. The NDM saw the coup as having opened up ‘a revolutionary process’ which required a period of consolidation. It called that period ‘the democratic phase of the revolutionary process’ which, for a section of its leadership, involved a tactical accommodation with the world imperialist institutions of the World Bank and the IMF. That section operated exclusively around the Chairman of the ruling PNDC.
The JFM and another section of the NDM suggested and defended a minimum programme that relied on internally-generated resources with the assistance of the socialist community of nations. That programme, known as the Graham Report, was formulated as an alternative programme to a neo-liberal paper, the Abbey Report, which the other section of the NDM had endorsed.
In the face of these conflicting stances, the JFM presented its case to The League and a united front of the two organizations was forged with the PNDC Chairman as its nominal chairman. But the failure of a delegation led by the erstwhile General Secretary of the JFM to the socialist countries to secure the needed financial assistance swayed the PNDC Chairman to the NDM-Abbey perspective. A secret delegation led by the NDM-aligned Secretary (Minister) of Finance and Economic Planning to negotiate with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) deepened the ideological divide.
An altercation between some Other Rank soldiers linked to a section of the JFM and the Chairman of the PNDC resulted in a near shoot-out that ended not only in the disarming and incarceration of the soldiers but also led to the ultimate exile of the UF leadership. Those soldiers were the core of ten persons, including the PNDC Chairman, who had effected the December 31 coup d’état. They were later released through the daring operation of two of their exiled colleagues from prisons in Accra and headed for exile. The Defence Committees were then steadily dissolved on the orders of the World Bank and the IMF which had then resumed dictating the pace of events.
This turn of events transformed the tactical perspective of the NDM into the strategy of collaboration with the imperialist institutions which had resumed the domination of imperialism and neo-colonialism over the Ghanaian political-economy. Fissures made up of three strands – neo-liberal, bourgeois democratic and people’s democratic – developed within the NDM which then collapsed.
That completed the implosion and purge of progressive organizations from the Ghanaian political landscape until the emergence of the Socialist Forum of Ghana (SFG) and the Freedom Centre after a period of over two decades. The SFG essentially comprises of the non-neo-liberal, anti-bourgeois democratic and socialist segments of the erstwhile progressive organizations made up of the JFM, NDM, The League and PANYMO.
As a forum, the SFG has produced publications to sustain the Marxist-Nkrumaist anti-imperialist horizon in Ghana. Its attempts at reviving the tradition of study cells have experienced a chequered history already. For, it is yet to formulate a programmatic framework to determine the direction of the cells and their modus operandi among the masses of the African continent.
There is no doubt, however, that the SFG is oriented towards and commits itself to what it calls ‘the new society’ built by the working people in replacement of the neo-colonial state and society. In this respect, while it contests issues within the neo-colonial state system in support of the working people’s perspective it also seeks an institutional replacement of the neo-colonial state. This bifurcation is a dialectic requiring resolution.
The SFG, in this regard, is yet to conceptualize the transformation of the working people’s democratic gains within the neo-colonial system into alternative and parallel institutional structures of popular participation in decision-making and implementation processes in contest with the neo-colonial state – an orientation that it is not opposed to. In this respect, the historical development of the legacy of the Defence Committee concept is yet to receive its attention.
This reflects in suggestions from sections of it for the creation of a political party to contest in the bourgeois democratic elections to win power. It is also yet to contextualize and therefore situate these transformation processes within the Pan-African struggle to abolish all neo-colonial state systems in Africa and replace them with a single socialist People’s Republican State of Africa. This requires development of organic relations with other socialist and progressive forces on the continent for concerted simultaneous action.
This is where the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA) emerges in revival of the political tradition of the People’s Revolutionary League of Ghana in seeking the replacement of the neo-colonial states within a Pan-African framework under the guidance of Marxist-Nkrumaist Revolutionary Pan-Africanism. For which reason, it seeks the development of a salaried critical mass of young Marxist-Nkrumaist professional revolutionaries across the African continent to conduct research into all facets of African society and disseminate it within the Left.
Such revolutionaries of the new-type live among the people to assist in the latter’s own purposeful build-up of popular institutional structures for solving their immediate problems within the context and direction of revolutionary change. Those popular organs are developed horizontally and vertically into the envisioned socialist People’s Republican State of Africa.
To this end, CENCSA seeks to work exclusively with and within all socialist and progressive organizations and platforms, like the Socialist Forum of Ghana, in Africa and the African Diaspora, that have the Marxist-Nkrumaist orientation to achieve homogeneity in programme formulation and implementation for the realization of the aims of Revolutionary Pan-Africanism – the relatively immediate one of which is the total liberation and unification of Africa in the People’s Republican State of Africa (PRSA).
Comrades and friends,
The ideological framework within which CENCSA operates is Marxism-Nkrumaism as originally initiated by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and being developed by Marxist-Nkrumaists. CENCSA considers Marxism-Nkrumaism primarily as an ideological system. It sees that system expressing itself in the fields of Philosophy, Political Economy, Social Science and Political Organization among others that are being identified in the works of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah.
In this latter respect, CENCSA recognizes that some aspects of Marxism-Nkrumaism need to be brought together as a coherent whole within its system. It holds that this task can only be undertaken in non-contradiction of the elaborately established principles within the system; any newly-developed principle that contradicts the established ones is declared inconsistent with that system and is accordingly rejected. Hence, the critical development of Marxism-Nkrumaism can only be undertaken within its own system and therefore on its own premises.
Consequently, CENCSA considers any critique of Marxism-Nkrumaism from the perspective of Marxism as legitimate. Nonetheless, it subjects Marxism itself to such critique as will eliminate incoherencies within it from the standpoint of the latter’s system of Dialectical and Historical Materialism. A symbiotic relationship therefore exists between Marxism-Nkrumaism and Marxism in such a way that whereas Marxism-Nkrumaism is founded on the principles of Marxism it in turn appropriates its experiences of the African condition to offer constructive criticism for the further development of Marxism.
This is similar to the practice of Marxism-Leninism, Trotskyism and Maoism which are founded on the principles of Marxism but appropriate the respective experiences of the Soviet and Chinese condition to develop the universal principles of Marxism. CENCSA is thus aware that although Marxism-Nkrumaism appropriates the principles of Marxism and the contributions of Leninism, Trotskyism and Maoism to those principles it does not necessarily adopt wholesale the particular principles of these latter; more especially since some of the latter contradict each other.
For the purposes of research and easy access to the principles enunciated by Marxism-Nkrumaism, we have devised an organogram that summarises the ideological system of Marxism-Nkrumaism as CENCSA perceives it. It is a condition for membership of the professional revolutionary core of CENCSA that this ideological system is grasped. Annexed to this condition is the member’s preparedness to live with the masses of our people to participate in the people’s construction, establishment and development of popular institutional structures for the identification of their needs, problems and challenges, solutions and their implementation in any part of Africa.
These are fundamental and non-negotiable conditions for the research team of salaried African professional revolutionaries. Revolutionary Pan-Africanism is a serious undertaking that calls for total dedication to a lifetime of service, suffering and sacrifice.
Concept of the African Nation
Comrades and friends,
The African Nation is an amalgam of racial and ethnic types. These social identities are biologically inherited and cannot be alienated from the person. Within and across those identities are class types. Whereas racial and ethnic identities are produced by and can be abolished through protracted and complex evolutionary processes of a biological nature, it is the mode of production in a society that gives rise to class identities which can therefore be abolished only through the means of evolutionary and revolutionary alteration of the mode of production.
Biological and class types are thus products of different human activities for their respective reproduction of the species and sustenance of life. Persons’ biological determination cannot change relatively immediately but their class can.
It is important to observe that racial types, despite their differences in skin pigmentation, are basically physiological and anatomical homogeneities. In this respect, the categorization of the human species on the basis of skin pigmentation into racial types is not profound or warranted and has no logical social significance. Hence, as scientifically proved, the assertion of racial superiority and inferiority is unfounded. Skin pigmentation does not confer on any human species a quality of superiority or inferiority on them.
This is even more so when it is observed that within the same so-called race pigmentation is not homogeneous. The concept of race is thus not a true reflection of diversity among the human species. This cannot, however, be said of ethnic types although they are also biologically determined.
Ethnic types are not mere biological determinations. They are also socio-cultural constructs. That is, they are biologico-culturally defined. Humans are born into culturally determined groups, so to say. It is within such constructs that they acquire their personhood. In this respect, ethnic entities are not necessarily entities of so-called races.
For, a ‘racially’ differentiated person might be found in an ethnic group sharing impeccable cultural manifestations. The agency for such realities is inter-racial procreation whereby a child of bi-racial parenthood is born into the ethnic group. That child acquires their personhood from that ethnic group. Ethnic entities with their sub-sets naturally turn out to be the basic form of social organization whence personhood or personality is developed.
Comrades and friends,
In the African condition, ethnic groups share a cultural mat whereby one culture weaves into others to form the basis of mutual understanding and interaction. Cultural diversity in Africa is thereby underscored by such common principles of value as to raise questions pertaining to the alleged independence of an ethnic group from the rest. Differences in outward manifestations of observances tend to sway attention from the common but essential principles that animate those observances. For which reason it makes sense to construct ethnic groups in Africa as parts of an essential cultural whole. This cultural whole is the African Nation. Its emergence in the space of history has been fraught with experiences of a chequered past. Its reality is increasingly unravelled to the searching African mind.
The African chequered past in the evolution of African consciousness of the African Nation has been expanded by the reality of encounters with European or Western, Arabian and Indian experiences. The Western and Arabian experience has not only posed an antitheses to the humanist egalitarian essence of the African cultural mat but also threatens to dominate it while the Indian experience remains on the periphery. In this respect, the African exhibits a dual personality of being either Afro-Western or Afro-Arabic in thought and practice. Whereas the agency for the incorporation of Western cultural experience is Christianity, Islam has been the agency for the incorporation of Arabic culture. Amongst the African majority original African culture remains resilient.
In the definition of the African we are therefore enjoined by the force of history to identify the original culture of the people living in Africa before the Arabo-Western invasion on the continent as well as traits of the additional culture imbibed after that invasion. What has been called Westernization (which is loosely synonymous with Christianization) represents a process of negating the resilient humanist egalitarianism of the communal spirit of African culture; which spirit was itself under internal stress from the emerging feudal systems of the pre-invasion era in Africa. Arabization (or Islamization) is similarly poised. These onslaughts on the humanist egalitarianism of the African communal spirit from African, Western and Arabian sources create a schizophrenic situation.
Hence, the African Nation is defined by this collection of people in a state of cultural schizophrenia on the African continent and in the Diaspora. Arabization and Westernization have not succeeded yet in turning the resident people of Africa before its invasion into Arabs and Europeans, respectively. These twin processes, like that leading to the rise of the African-American in the United States of America, have rather created a panorama of Westernized and Arabized Africans. Unlike the African-American, however, the continental African retains the pre-invasion culture to a large measure. Hence, the Berber and Black African, who have lived on the continent for thousands of years, remain true to the original culture which redefines the Arabian and Western cultures as practised in Africa.
But such a definition of the African in terms of their dual cultural identity falls short of recognizing this other occurrence whereby some of the carriers of Arabian and Western cultures have since the invasion made Africa their home. Such late residents on the continent have themselves developed their original cultures into cultures that are peculiar to those of them living in Africa. Hence, the Dutch living in South Africa are no longer Dutch but Afrikaners. Arabs living in the northern part of Africa are no longer Arabs but Arab Africans. So also have imported Indians become Indian Africans. The redefining element here is that these new arrivals on the continent have developed cultures that those left behind at home consider as alien and African. Back at home they are aliens.
This suggests that in the definition of the African Nation we are impelled by the dynamics of African history to incorporate into the concept all who have developed cultures peculiar to the African continent. Such people must also have been subjected to a historical enemy against whom they have collectively and/or severally resisted or fought to regain their independence. This concept of the African Nation does not preclude the reality of ethnic groups within that nation struggling in diverse ways to assert their misplaced sense of superiority over others. In this respect, the Ashanti consideration of northerners in Ghana as ntafuor – a consequence of Ashanti enslavement of people from the north – and Arab African consideration of Black Africans as slaves are internal African realities.
Consequently, in the definition of the African Nation we conceive of a people with diverse cultures some of which constitute a cultural mat. Such people are made up of Black Africans and Berbers as the oldest inhabitants of the African continent; Arab Africans, Afrikaners and Indian Africans as the newest inhabitants; as well as those of mixed races who are the products of inter-racial marriages, variously referred to as Coloured or Half Casts. Within these so-called racial groupings are ethnic entities with their sub-sets. The individual ethnic entity, due to the arbitrary demarcation of the continent at the Berlin Conference of 1884/5, is unjustifiably dismembered and the parts separated from each other into equally arbitrarily constructed countries on the African continent.
CENCSA commits itself to the reconstruction of the African Nation to reflect the integrity of reconstituted ethnic entities within the People’s Republican State of Africa that is projected to replace the multiplicity of unviable and corrupt neo-colonial states that populate the African landscape. This process of reconstruction is pursued under the guidance of Marxism-Nkrumaism for the construction of a socialist African society in which the free development of the whole is the condition for the free development of the individual. In this respect, restoration of the humanist egalitarianism embedded in the African communal past is the abiding principle. To this end are all research and organizational activities of CENCSA addressed. And to achieve this, we keep faith with God.
The Principle of Co-operation as against Competition
Comrades and friends,
Competition has been proved to be the means by which biological and social evolution has unfolded over the millennia. It has also been proved that such competitive processes of evolution have not only been slow in meeting the developmental needs of human societies but more importantly they have been very wasteful of resources. Additionally, evolution, based on competition, excites and sustains the basest instincts of humans towards acquisitions, jealousy and envy at the expense of other humans. By the processes of competition man becomes an instrument or a means for the fulfilment of another man. Conflicts and wars are the end products of competition by means of which the strong assert their subjection of the weak. Competition is the bane of civilization.
But co-operation is the engine of competition; it is at the heart of it. Even where two boxers meet in the ring the fight takes place with the co-operation of the respective coaches and managers of the boxers. Employment of co-operation in competition is, however, a historically enforced recent occurrence. Co-operation predates modern competition. Remnants of the communal spirit in Africa give an example of co-operation without competition among people of the same vocation in the practice of the nnoboa system of farming in Africa. By that system a group of farmers assist a member of the group to weed his/her farm; after which the latter joins the group to weed another person’s farm. The process goes on until each member gets their farm weeded. Individuals’ survival depends on co-operation.
The loss of farm lands to particular individuals creates the situation whereby the losers are forced into enduring co-operation with those with land in an unequal relationship. The losers are permanently employed not only to cultivate the expanded possessions for the owners but to also defend those possessions against encroachment by other landowners. This corruption of the principle of co-operation in communal fulfilment to the ends of competitive individual interests subordinates co-operation to competition. Rather than co-operation being seen as the condition for the individual’s peaceful survival and sustenance competition is upheld and promoted as the natural state of man wherein the survival of the fittest is observed as the unalterable principle of human existence and livelihood.
Competition is alien to the principle of humanist egalitarianism. The restoration of humanist egalitarianism therefore requires the abandonment of competition in African society and affairs. Thus in the research and organizational efforts of CENCSA a consistent effort is made not only to eliminate competition in African society at large but more particularly in its own attitude and work. In CENCSA, the pursuit of a critical mass of professional revolutionaries is consequently undertaken under the guidance of the principle of co-operation.
Vision of the African State
Comrades and friends,
The Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA) projects a vision of the African State within the framework of Marxism-Nkrumaism. In pursuit of the restoration of the humanist egalitarianism of the African communal past and giving expression to it within the modern condition, CENCSA adopts people’s revolutionary democracy in rejection of bourgeois democracy as its guiding organizational principle. Bourgeois democracy, by which competition sets elite factions against each other to determine which of them best serves the general interest of the elite and gains most from the plunder of national wealth, negates the principle of co-operation in violation of humanist egalitarianism. To facilitate this scenario, bourgeois democracy offers restricted universal suffrage.
The right of adults to vote under universal suffrage is conditioned by restrictions to ensure that those who qualify to be elected are representatives of factions of the propertied elite. They are either self-financed or financed by the propertied class to serve the latter’s interests. Hence, bourgeois democratic elections have the singular outcome of populating the organs of state decision-making and implementation with persons who speak and act to protect and promote property interests. The current neo-colonial state is thus the machine that not only protects property interests but also expropriates national wealth to aid the expansion of property gains by the propertied elite as a whole at the expense of the egalitarian development of the nation. This state type requires to be replaced.
People’s revolutionary democracy, as the agency for the process of replacement, reconstructs the state as a system of popular assemblies with a hierarchy of their representative assemblies that collate, systematize and harmonize the decisions taken at the popular assemblies. Popular assemblies are organized at the community level without restriction on membership and conduct affairs in the language of the locality. They elect their own executive without setting property conditions such as financial payments from candidates for elections. The vital condition for candidacy is the ability to understand, articulate and defend the decisions of the assemblies at the representative assemblies. At all levels of these state assemblies the local language is used to assist popular understanding.
While local languages are used in the discussion of issues, decisions taken for the consideration of representative assemblies at their various levels are sent to them in one of the national languages of the African Nation as appropriate. In what follows, we have an illustration of the general structure of the projected People’s State. CENCSA undertakes all research and organizational activities within the assumption of the existence of that state – the People’s Republican State of Africa. This assumption is deliberate. It is intended not only to focus daily attention on the prime purpose of our efforts – the building of the socialist People’s Republican State of Africa – but also direct all such efforts at the concrete build up of the structure of that State as a reality on a daily basis.
An illustration of the People’s State structure shows the basic framework within which decisions are taken at the community level and transmitted to progressively larger representative bodies of communities to harmonize and streamline those decisions for effective national and mass implementation. The assemblies elect their own respective executives which stand as levels of the national executive arm of the State. In the same manner, judicial officials are elected at the various levels of the assemblies to run the affairs of People’s Tribunals. All elected officials of State serve at the behest of the assemblies and are changed on proof of their inefficiency. To ensure State security, a popular non-elitist defence system is similarly built up from the community level upwards involving all able-bodied persons of age in the African Nation imbued with the anti-imperialist spirit.
In the construction of executive bodies of the assemblies at all levels, the leading official is the Spokesperson. Playing a role similar to that of a chairman of an association, the Spokesperson is distinguished from a chairman. The Spokesperson is essentially one who presides over meetings of an Assembly and with the assistance of the Secretary articulates decisions taken therein to the next representative assembly in which the Assembly is represented. At the national level, the Spokesperson is the republican Head of State who represents the African Nation at international forums where he/she articulates the national consensus, defends and propagates it. In an Assembly a simple majority of votes is sufficient for the removal and replacement of its Spokesperson at any time.
Comrades and friends,
In its research activities, CENCSA focuses on the evolution and creation of the African Personality out of the African Dual Identity. That is the cultural fundament to the politico-economic endeavours to eliminate imperialism, neo-colonialism and capitalism from African soil and society. In this respect, CENCSA focuses on and utilizes the exploits of the biological and social sciences for the creation of a physically strong and culturally homogenous African whose strength is respectively derived from his/her diverse ethnic parentage and in-built cultural acquisition tolerant and appreciative of all that is best in our diverse cultural beauty.
Such is the African Personality that Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah pursues in his development of the African person – a truly liberated and independent person living in freedom and at peace with all humanity. For, in his thought and practice Osagyefo insists that research must be a catalyst not only for the immediate task of our African national liberation but also our ultimate crystallization as a people whom, as he puts it, the world will see to be ‘somebody’ – that is, a culturally bona fide member of the world’s community of nations capable of such creativity as always marvels Man in their endeavours to tame the environment for the fulfilment of humanity.
The Immediate Task
Comrades and friends,
The Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analysis has the initial task of waging democratic campaigns across the African continent to compel the neo-colonial regimes to eliminate restrictions on movements by African nationals across the artificial and damnable borders. This includes pressures on the neo-colonial governments to stop the extortionist immigration officials in each country from their harassment of African travellers and make the residence of any African in any of the existing neo-colonial countries a right without the requirement of resident permits and/or any such documents. To this end, CENCSA researches into existing protocols that facilitate free movements among African nationals from one country to the other/s and insist on their observance.
In pursuit of this campaign the immediate task facing the Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA) is one of building its independent financial base if it should have a sustained development of that critical mass of young African professional revolutionaries. In this respect, it has established the 12-acre Liberty Ayivi Memorial Mango Plantation which has just started bearing fruits. The plantation is named after one of its pioneer workers who passed on at a young age a few months ago. It is projected as the harbinger and base of other economic endeavours to sustain the programme.
It is our hope that when called upon, comrades and friends would voluntarily make their little contributions towards the maintenance of this five-year old plantation which is yet to attain its full potential in two or three years. For, you know, the young African professional revolutionaries, to be drawn from all over the African continent, are meant to be paid salaries so they might dedicate their full time to research and organizational activities. Contributions in terms of providing weed killers and insecticides as well as cash would be received gracefully and gratefully.
The organizational structure of CENCSA is defined on the basis of the principle of democratic centralism. Operating as the people’s revolutionary vanguard within the People’s Assemblies, CENCSA is structured along the structural form of the Assembly system of the People’s Republican State of Africa. Its implementing executive organ is the Central Research Directorate (CRD). The CRD drafts and proposes policy while the General Research Directorate debates, amends and approves it. Regional, district, sub-district and unit research and organizational units are represented in the General Research Directorate.
In accordance with the aim of building a critical mass of young African professional revolutionaries, the mainstream membership of CENCSA is restricted to the youth born in 1975 and thereafter. This mainstream is assisted by pre-1975-born elderly comrades known to have theoretical and/or practical experience in the African revolutionary struggle in line with the aspirations of Marxist-Nkrumaist Revolutionary Pan-Africanism. In this respect, careerists of neo-colonial institutions and organizations with opportunistic and vacillating attitudes towards the neo-colonial system are definitely excluded as opportunists of the deepest dye.
The Democratic Youth League of Africa
Comrades and friends,
The Democratic Youth League of Africa (DYLA) is the age-based organ of the CENCSA for the development of the African youth between the ages of four and twenty-five into African patriots before their engagement in CENCSA research and organizational activities. It takes inspiration from African practices of building personhood in African society. It is structured into those between the ages of four and six (the African Infant); those between the ages of seven and twelve (the African Child); those between the ages of thirteen and seventeen (the African Personality); and those between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five (the African Youth Brigade). The DYLA is based in CENCSA-created or sponsored and existing schools, colleges and universities.
Funds for the operations of CENCSA are generated from its own economic activities in the fields of agriculture and industry, finance, education and publications, etc. The contributions of fraternal organizations, institutions and individuals play a minor role as a matter of policy. The organization of the financial base of CENCSA is undertaken within the context of building the socialist alternative economic mode of production intended to replace the neo-colonial economy.
In line with the relative historic democratic gains made by progressive forces and the current state of the political climate in Ghana, CENCSA establishes its headquarters at the historical site of Katamansu in the Greater Accra Region of that neo-colonial country. It is a storey building outfit currently under construction and comprises of four study-rooms and a large general office at the ground floor while the first floor has a library that also serves as an auditorium. Branches are established in other parts of Africa like South Africa, Tanzania, Algeria and Cameroun – all co-ordinated with the headquarters.
Comrades and friends,
The essence and significance of creating a critical mass of young African professional revolutionaries reside in the need to combat Messianism in our approach to containing and crushing imperialism and neo-colonialism for their ultimate eradication from Africa and the world. A single person cannot accomplish that task. Messianism represents a spirit of one person’s illusion of self-indispensability to a cause. Such a person organizes others around themselves in such a way that when their mortality becomes an accomplished fact, the cause they represent suffers a severe set back running into decades or centuries. But, reality is that the momentum of a cause of struggle requires no such breaks.
Comrades, the expanse of imperialism’s hold on the world today is really immense although its controllers are less than 1% of the world’s population. To uproot it requires fighters on a similar and even greater scale. This requirement is the all important condition for the spontaneous but well organized action needed to achieve our liberation and unity. In this respect, a localization of the cause of liberation in any single individual and terrain amounts to an invitation for great setbacks. Such localization is what we call Messianism.
We need great Africans in their great numbers imbued with the learning and experiences of our forebears and spread all over our great continent to wage such an anti-imperialist and anti-neo-colonialist struggle with such fortitude of conviction that the fall of any single one of them would not mean even the slightest slow down in the rate and resilience of our commitment to be free.
And what unites us for this great cause is not just our numbers but most indispensably the unity of the thought and action of that number sufficient to lead the struggle everywhere on the African continent simultaneously – yes, this number is what we call the critical mass of African professional revolutionaries.
And that unity of thought and action can only be found in the intellectual endeavours bequeathed to us by Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah in his system of Marxism-Nkrumaism and the efforts of today’s intellectuals and revolutionaries to develop that system in accordance with the expectations of that great African initiator of the African Personality.
Comrades and friends,
Thanks for your forbearance in listening to all this with the necessary attention and God bless us all.
Al Salam Malaikum.
Mawu ne nyira mi keke.
Lang T. K.A. Nubuor
Centre for Consciencist Studies and Analyses (CENCSA)
Preparation Date: October 25, 2012
Presentation Date: November 7, 2012